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Obama Has Proposed 442 Tax Hikes Since 2009

From Americans for Tax Reform:

Obama has Proposed 442 Tax Hikes Since Taking Office

By Max Velthoven, John Kartch, Ryan Ellis | April 14, 2014

Since taking office in 2009, President Barack Obama has formally proposed a total of 442 tax increases, according to an Americans for Tax Reform analysis of Obama administration budgets for fiscal years 2010 through 2015.

The 442 total proposed tax increases does not include the 20 tax increases Obama signed into law as part of Obamacare.

Lest we forget, Obama ran for the Presidency in 2008 on the promise that he would never raise taxes on the middle class.

When he was asking for our vote in 2008, then candidate Barack Obama famously promised the American people:

“I can make a firm pledge. Under my plan no family making less than $250,000 a year will see any form of tax increase. Not your income tax, not your payroll tax, not your capital gains taxes, not any of your taxes.”

“History tells us what Obama was able to do. This list reminds us of what Obama wanted to do,” said Grover Norquist, president of Americans for Tax Reform.

The number of proposed tax increases per year is as follows:

- 79 tax increases for FY 2010
- 52 tax increases for FY 2011
- 47 tax increases for FY 2012
- 34 tax increases for FY 2013
- 137 tax increases for FY 2014
- 93 tax increases for FY 2015

Perhaps not coincidentally, the Obama budget with the lowest number of proposed tax increases was released during an election year: In February 2012, Obama released his FY 2013 budget, with “only” 34 proposed tax increases. Once safely re-elected, Obama came back with a vengeance, proposing 137 tax increases, a personal record high for the 44th President.

How cynical the author is to thin that Obama would be so venal. He never changes his agenda during election years. Just look at Obama-Care.

In addition to the 442 tax increases in his annual budget proposals, the 20 signed into law as part of Obamacare, and the massive tobacco tax hike signed into law on the sixteenth day of his presidency, Obama has made it clear he is open to other broad-based tax increases.

During an interview with Men’s Health in 2009, when asked about the idea of national tax on soda and sugary drinks, the President said, "I actually think it’s an idea that we should be exploring."

During an interview with CNBC’s John Harwood in 2010, Obama said a European-style Value-Added-Tax was “something that would be novel for the United States.” Obama’s statement was consistent with a pattern of remarks made by Obama White House officials refusing to rule out a VAT…

Of course, some if not most of Obama’s proposed tax increases have been stopped by the Republicans in the House. But if the Democrats win control of the House along with the Senate in the midterms, it will be ‘Katie, bar the door!’

This article was posted by Steve Gilbert on Tuesday, April 15th, 2014. Comments are currently closed.

One Response to “Obama Has Proposed 442 Tax Hikes Since 2009”

  1. captstubby

    A Tale Of Camelot.

    as told by Ted Sorensen ,
    President Kennedy’s special counsel and adviser, primary speechwriter,
    and author of his” Profiles in Courage.”
    also for his help in explaining Ted Kennedy’s Chappaquiddick incident.

    the $10 billion tax cut bill of 1963

    once upon a time…

    The economy, which had expanded vigorously in 1961, slowed its pace in mid-1962. The growth continued but the zip was gone, and some of the figures were disturbing. The rate of private inventory accumulation—which had been built up to an abnormally high level of seven billion dollars in the first quarter, partly because a steel strike was anticipated—fell off to one billion in the third quarter. Unemployment leveled off at an uncomfortable 5.5 percent. Consumers were saving more instead of spending. Business investment in new plant and equipment, for which the tax credit had not yet been enacted, was low.
    The most dramatic cause for concern was a severe drop in the stock market. After reaching a peak on December 12, 1961, the average price of stocks bought and sold on the New York Stock Exchange declined by roughly one-quarter, and roughly one-quarter of this drop occurred on Monday, May 28. It was only the twenty-fourth largest proportionate drop in market history. But it was the sharpest one-day drop in the number of points on the Index since the crash of 1929, and immediately fears and rumors arose—and in some quarters were inspired—that it was 1929 all over again. Time magazine speculated on Kennedy becoming “the Democratic version of Herbert Hoover.” Wild stories spread that the decline was due to a business plot to hurt Kennedy, to a European withdrawal of funds or to Kennedy’s attack on Big Steel. Some said it was a once-in-a-generation break, others said that it was due to increased competition from Europe, others attributed it to excess capacity in our sluggish economy.
    The simplest explanation to many businessmen was that Kennedy was against profits and free enterprise. His mail and press were filled with blame for “the Kennedy market.”

    the President went on television once again.

    …on August 13 an economic report to the nation by television from the White House. He concluded that report by promising a permanent tax cut bill in 1963 and by rejecting a temporary tax cut unless subsequent events made it necessary to recall the Congress for that purpose.
    “Under the right circumstances that is…a sound and effective weapon…[to be] fired only at a period of maximum advantage…. Proposing an emergency tax cut tonight, a cut which could not now be either justified or enacted, would needlessly undermine confidence both at home and abroad.”

    Illustrations of how the bill would reduce the taxes of a typical family, and how their tax savings would be used to create more jobs, were inserted. So were the President’s favorite statistics: ten thousand new jobs had to be created every day; recessions have occurred on the average every forty-four months since World War I; seven million more young people will come into the labor market in the sixties than in the fifties. Some of his own familiar phrases were included: “We need a tax cut to keep this present drive from running out of gas”;
    ,

    in answering a question from the nation’s editors, he reviewed both the Budget economies he had made and the necessity of major Budget increases, and then added, without a trace of partisanship:
    “I am strongly against the wholesale Budget cuts of the kind that have been talked about, $5-$10-$15 billion. I can think of nothing more ruinous to the security of this country and our economy. And I think that those who advocate it were in many cases the architects of the fiscal and monetary policies which brought us into a recession in ’58, a $12.5 billion deficit in ’58, the largest outflow…of gold and dollars…and a recession in 1960. We hope to do better.”

    The Kennedy tax bill, as finally enacted with the help of his successor, and the unparalleled period of expansion both its anticipation and enactment helped bring to the American economy,’ stand as monuments to the economic wisdom and political tenacity of John Kennedy. They embody a repudiation of the most persistent fiscal myths and fears which have so long dominated this nation. Prevented by the balance of payments and a conservative Congress from relying too heavily on the familiar Democratic remedies of still lower interest rates and still higher budgets, he had nevertheless broken the trend of postwar recessions by blazing new trails and rejecting old dogma.

    the end

    note;
    Kennedy, it turns out, initially wanted to use government spending, not tax cuts, as the means to put dollars in people’s hands. But that idea ran aground in 1962 because conservatives in Congress opposed it, while the president’s aides feared that the bond market might respond to additional spending with higher rates that could offset their gains. Still, even as Kennedy accepted tax reduction as the first step along the route to growth, he never gave up his spending idea. “First, we’ll have your tax cut,” he told Heller; “then we’ll have my expenditures program.”




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